Key strategic issues

Madam Minister, dear Florence,

Ladies and Gentlemen

Mr Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces,

Mr Secretary General for Defence and National Security,

Mr General Delegate for Armaments,

Madam Secretary General for Administration of the Ministry of the Armed Forces,

Ladies and gentlemen, general officers,

Mr. Director of the IHEDN,

Dear listeners,

Last June, on the 18th to be precise - it's a date that no Frenchman can forget, and all the more so for IHEDN students - I came here to speak to your predecessors. Today I am very pleased to return to this high place of military thought and to address you, dear students of the first integrated national session of national defence studies. I would also like to salute the auditors and former auditors of the national and regional sessions and the IHEDN youth network who are with us today, from afar.

I am all the happier because it is an opportunity for me to meet up again with a man I know well because he has been at my side for more than a year, I am talking about General DURIEUX, today the Director of this Institution.

Being here with you today gives me the opportunity to thank him once again for his commitment to me and his dedication to France, and to offer him my sincere friendship. His extensive experience as a field soldier and his strong conceptual capacity made him particularly well qualified to lead this house at a very special time in its history. I would also like to salute the staff of the IHEDN who organise your sessions and carry out this very important mission.

Being here today also gives me the opportunity to congratulate you collectively and directly, because you have chosen a demanding path which, I know, can also involve personal and professional sacrifices. You will also have to rise to another challenge, that of escaping from your certainties and habits of thought to be able to listen to others, to society and to the world. This is the only way to move forward in this mutual understanding, without which there can be no exchange or true dialogue. Every day, in the exercise of my responsibilities, I see just how vital this can be.

I also want to encourage you, because experience has shown the added value for our country of the course you are about to follow. You are part of a prestigious lineage that has been working for the Republic and our national defence policy for several decades, and whose history has spanned three republics since the IHEDN was founded in 1936.

I am perfectly aware that I am part of a tradition. All my predecessors have come here, to this rostrum, to emphasise to previous classes the importance of our defence and the risks and threats posed by the international situation. And what strikes me today is not so much the unpredictability as the speed of change in this international situation.

Since you were chosen to take part in this session at the IHEDN, events have taken place, and not the least of them. Events that change both the geopolitical context and our understanding of it. Events that underline the need for each of us, wherever we exercise our responsibilities, within the State as well as in all components of society, to act with "unity of feeling, thought and doctrine," in the words fortunately chosen by the drafters of the founding decree of your Institute.

First of all, power competition is confirming its deleterious effects. On the very day you arrived at the IHEDN, 15 September, the American, Australian and British governments announced the AUKUS project. I won't go back over France's position and reaction, which have been very clearly expressed, to what constitutes a serious breach of partnership and trust between allies. What is important now is to draw all the conclusions from this event and to reflect on its consequences: first and foremost in terms of our relationship with the United States, for which a process of in-depth consultations is underway; on the urgent need for greater European "strategic autonomy", for which many of our European partners are now joining us; but also on the deterioration of relations in the Indo-Pacific region and the reorientation of American priorities. I therefore urge you to ask yourselves how we are going to continue to assert our ambitions in this region of the world, because we are of course going to continue to assert them there.

But what is happening in this part of the world is not unique to Europe. The use or threat of force in Nagorno-Karabakh, in the Eastern Mediterranean and in the Far North are all examples that also give cause for concern. We are facing the return of force and unilateralism as accepted modes of action in strategic competition. And this confrontation, which has served its purpose, concerns other areas of the great powers' struggle, whether in outer space, cyberspace or territorial control.

In another area, the last few weeks have seen the hasty withdrawal of our American allies from Afghanistan. Once again, we must learn from this event. At the same time as we are witnessing the return of the pretensions of certain States to rule the world by force and unilateralism, we are observing elsewhere a phenomenon that appears to be its exact opposite. Too much power rubs shoulders with too much weakness in these lawless zones where states have collapsed, where populations are left to militias and atrocities of all kinds, and where jihadist groups thrive. It is in these situations of anarchy that mafias, cartels, cyber-criminals and terrorist groups with local roots but transnational agendas thrive. It is also where private military companies with obscure agendas develop, where more insidious threats thrive because they are more familiar and to which we might be tempted to resign ourselves. I am referring in particular to drug trafficking, a veritable gangrene that weakens the republican pact by generating large-scale crime, not to mention the damage caused to the health of consumers.

These considerations, ladies and gentlemen, confirm the validity and topicality of a worrying observation for our democracies. Let us be lucid. Because this blurring of the boundaries between peace and war, this habituation to times of crisis, the succession of these losses of reference points, the shifting alliances and even, as we have seen, their fragility, are plunging us into a culture of mistrust. This new disorder has a political dimension that cannot be underestimated. The proliferation of aggressive activities, sometimes military and more often non-military, disinformation campaigns and breaches of trust are fuelling mistrust between states, undermining confidence between allies and fanning suspicion between citizens and their institutions. Our democracies are put to the test, particularly when they are faced with attempts at disinformation, as was the case in 2016 in the United States and here at home, during the 2017 presidential election. The issue of information via social networks is a central one, because it undermines the informed discernment of citizens, the heart of our democratic system, while at the same time serving as a vector and amplifier for all the other threats.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

These events confirm it: you have joined the IHEDN at a time when the international context is darkening and the threats to our security and sovereignty have increased sharply. But we are not without assets to deal with this situation.

In particular, I would like to pay tribute to the institutions bequeathed to us by the founders of the Fifth Republic. I said it in June, and I'll say it again in October, because this phrase has lost none of its force or relevance. In Bayeux, General de Gaulle stated that "defence was the primary raison d'être of the State and that it could not fail to fulfil this duty without destroying itself".

Yes, our institutions have proved their usefulness and are proving it again today by their ability to adapt to the situation at hand. This is true of the health crisis, and it is true of France's security. Our Constitution places defence among the cardinal public policies. Under the authority of the President of the Republic, Head of State and Head of the Armed Forces, I am responsible for directing the government's action and for national defence, in accordance with article 21 of the Constitution.

National defence is, of course, first and foremost military defence. That is why, in 2017, the President of the Republic made a commitment to the nation to set a new ambition for our armed forces and to regenerate the resources allocated to them through the 2019-2025 military programming law. I would like to take this opportunity to pay tribute once again, this time before you, dear listeners, to the work, courage and steadfastness of the Minister for the Armed Forces, Florence PARLY, who has drafted and applied this law with the rigour and determination for which she is renowned. I would also like to thank Geneviève DARRIEUSSECQ for her unfailing commitment alongside the Minister.

The ambition of this LPM is clear: to enable France to regain a complete and balanced army model, equal to the strategic challenges of today and tomorrow. It is with the firm determination to succeed in the dual operation of regenerating and modernising our armed forces that the LPM has allocated an increase in the military budget that is unprecedented for several decades. As you know, previous programming laws were marked by more limited ambitions and partial implementation. This Military Planning Act, which is very ambitious, has been scrupulously respected.

And the budget for 2022 will be no exception, reaching almost €41 billion, compared with an annual average of €30 billion over the previous period.

In total, over the period 2018 to 2022, €188 billion will have been devoted to our defence, more than €26 billion more than in the previous period. This was essential. This acceleration will have made it possible to begin modernising both components of our deterrent, the keystone of our national independence. It will have enabled us to continue replacing conventional equipment that has become obsolete. The most emblematic examples are the arrival of the MRTT (6 aircraft have already been delivered out of a target of 15 by 2025) and A400M aircraft, the equipment for the Scorpion programme, including the Griffon infantry fighting vehicle, the Barracuda submarines and the multi-mission frigates. It has also enabled us to modernise our infrastructure and invest in several forward-looking programmes, such as the new-generation aircraft carrier (PA-NG), the future air combat system (SCAF) and the future battle tank. The objectives of the programme have been strictly respected and safeguarded, a fact that you will allow me to describe as historic, as I had the opportunity to remind Parliament before the summer, during the debate organised on the basis of Article 50-1 of the Constitution.

This military programming law will also have been an opportunity to guarantee the men and women who serve our flag improved conditions of service and life, and to support their families. I would like to mention the MINARM family plan, as well as the accommodation plan for our servicemen and women, to which we will devote €1 billion between now and 2025. The aim of all these social measures is also to give priority support to families in difficulty. Allow me at this point to pay tribute to Sergeant Maxime BLASCO, who fell for France in the Sahel on 24 September. We have lost a soldier worthy of the national tribute paid to him. To his comrades in arms, and to all our servicemen and women who are defending our interests on operations, sometimes at the risk of their lives, I would of course like to assure them of my full support and that of the Government, and I would like to reiterate to his family the expression of my deepest sorrow.

But national defence, as we all know and as the IHEDN never ceases to theorise, cannot be reduced to its military dimension alone.

I am thinking first of all, of course, of the fight against terrorism, which is a subject of constant attention and mobilisation for the Government and its leader.

The 2018 counter-terrorism action plan, which has just been updated to July 2021, is the translation of this inter-ministerial action. In particular, it led to the creation of the National Anti-Terrorism Prosecutor's Office (PNAT), when the passing of two intelligence laws, in 2017 and then more recently last July, increased our intervention capabilities.

Similarly, we have made an unprecedented effort to increase the resources allocated to specialist counter-terrorism services: a total of 1,900 posts will be created between now and the end of the five-year period, including 1,260 at the DGSI and a doubling of the DGSI's investment and operating budgets since 2015.

Another area of concern and mobilisation is cyber defence, which also illustrates the cross-cutting nature of the issues and the need for an interministerial approach. Our armed forces have been given additional capabilities in this area, with almost €1.4 billion devoted to cyber over the period 2019-2025. The entire public sphere, together with civil society, is mobilised around this issue. It concerns the economic and social fabric through research and development, the fight against cybercrime, learning about digital security in schools, the development of cyber campuses and collaboration with our partners and allies. The threats to our space activities are another example of the interdependence between military, scientific, economic and industrial aspects. The efforts that the President of the French Republic has decided to make in this area of space are fully justified here. It is illustrated by the creation of the Space Command in September 2019 and investments of an unprecedented €4.6 billion. In these two areas, as in many others - I would like to mention artificial intelligence, for which we will be investing more than €400m over the period 2019-2025 - we need to work together, and I would like to pay tribute here to the essential work of the General Secretariat for Defence and National Security.

The rearmament of our military capabilities, the significant strengthening of our policy to combat terrorism and the adaptation of our response capabilities to new forms of threat have no other objective than to ensure the protection of French citizens and to give France the means to carry weight in the concert of nations. Because, as I have said, multilateralism is being called into question everywhere, France is more determined than ever to defend its foundations and promote its implementation. Of course, Europe is a key arena for expressing this ambition. And you know the extent to which the President of the Republic is committed to the vision of a sovereign Europe that will gradually assume its status as a strategic player. The forthcoming French Presidency of the European Union will be a major opportunity to give concrete form to the movement begun in 2017. I am thinking in particular of the "Strategic Compass", which is intended to set out a clear ambition for the Union's security and defence by 2030. But France is a responsible player and Europe must be the Europe we want to build with our partners. We must therefore be vigilant about the possible application of certain standards that could call into question the effectiveness of our defence system: I would like to mention here the issue of the availability of military personnel at all times and in all places, which is an essential and inseparable element of our defence; and I would like to assure you that this fundamental principle of military status will be preserved, and the government is committed to this.

Global warming, health risks and the vulnerability of some of our vitally important infrastructures are all challenges that also call for decompartmentalised and renewed action. In order to be better prepared for the materialisation of these risks, we are deploying a crisis management capability that enables us to steer the State's response with responsiveness.

In particular, we must draw all the consequences of the health crisis - which is not over yet! - on our central and decentralised crisis management systems, as well as on national and European cooperation. We need to make progress in terms of anticipation, benchmarking, agility, and quantitative and qualitative management of human resources: as you will have realised, we have a huge task ahead of us.

More than ever, these issues of military defence, national defence and security are intimately linked and interdependent. They call for ever new responses. That is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to develop in our society forums for exchange and debate, forums where the coordination of policies guarantees unity of action. I would like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the work of our parliamentarians, and in particular the members of the defence committees of the National Assembly and the Senate. Parliament is par excellence, at the heart of our institutions, the place for this decompartmentalised approach, which is the only way to enable us to meet today's challenges.

In a very different way, the Institut des Hautes Études de Défense Nationale is another place whose role as a forum for debate and sharing is taking on renewed importance in the light of the issues I have just described. This is why I welcome the creation of this first integrated session to which you are fortunate enough to belong. The moments when you will all be together, when you will be able to exchange ideas, are undoubtedly among the most precious of your year. This year you will have the opportunity, which is actually quite rare, to develop a lucid vision of our environment, to envisage the upheavals to come and the means of responding to them. You will be able to imagine how to put each of your points of view, each of the subjects of your majors at the service of national defence and even more at the service of our country.

But this decompartmentalisation should not be limited to the always ad hoc activities of your sessions. National defence is far from being just a Parisian issue. And that is why I am pleased to be able to address all the former auditors in Paris and in our regions who follow us by videoconference. In our departments and within the government, it is essential to debate, to reflect on the new threats I have described and to develop a common vision. Some issues can only be judged at close quarters, and each of our regions has its own characteristics that determine both the conditions of its resilience and the possibilities of its contribution to national defence. This is a factor of cohesion that I believe is essential for our country. I therefore salute your commitment, which is a credit to our country and to the IHEDN.

At the end of my speech, I would like to invite you, dear listeners, to conduct your reflections and work with a sense of seriousness. You will be working on a central theme for the government, that of resilience, and I am delighted about that.

The work you will be doing is eagerly awaited and will be used by many public officials. Like the national session of the IHEDN, the approach to resilience cannot be partial. This is why I have also asked the Secretary General for Defence and National Security to lead an interministerial effort to draw up a national resilience plan. All this symbolises our determination "not to suffer", to quote the magnificent motto of Marshal de Lattre, and underlines the extent to which anticipation and the ability to analyse weak signals in the service of a sovereign assessment of the situation are, in the end, tools in the service of democracy. As you can see, more than ever, the IHEDN is an intellectual melting pot which, through debate and reflection, helps to ensure that our beloved country retains its rightful place. Our freedom and sovereignty depend on it. I am counting on you and your commitment.

Long live the Republic! Long live France!